BATAYANG KURSO NG PARTIDO PDF

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Time to Test the Waters. In the history of the Left movement in the University of the Philippines UPwas the year the Communist Party of the Philippines CPP accepted that an explicit anti-martial law kurs movement in the Diliman campus was feasible. Going for it were the underground and above ground assets it had painstakingly developed in and especially in Besides, party leaders opined, the initial shock of the declaration had vanished.

It tried to incite protests inbut these were quickly squelched by the police.

In an astute move, the CPP settled down to secretly penetrate innocent looking organizations, undertake subtle anti-dictatorship activities through these groups, recruit members, and develop a mass base. Inthe CPP determined that after all the spadework, it had enough warm bodies and a range of tactics to openly challenge martial law without inviting suppression and arrest.

The party sensed that the Marcos regime was relaxing, albeit temporarily. The Left was willing to test the waters. Hopes were high in the party ranks that the intended protest movement would approximate the intense rallies before martial law.

However, quite a few CPP operatives in Diliman recognized the stifling effect of martial law on student activities. They were secretly lowering their expectations. Not a few, however, were convinced that the students could still be mobilized to demonstrate in droves, like they did before Proclamation MR’s leadership was then newly taken over by Filemon Lagman, who was known in underground circles as “Ka Popoy. Lagman’s influence on the party branch in UP was immense. Even his agitated speaking style and gesticulating body mannerisms were copied by the top cadres.

Lagman contributed in no small measure to the UP party branch’s intense desire for an uprising in the university. Organizational maintenance basically meant keeping the groups together and consolidating them. It was the job of the OD to transmit the memos that emanated from the URC, and for these to be thoroughly discussed in the party and ND groups.

The memos were usually typewritten on onion-skin paper and several pages long.

Sometimes reading the memos was difficult, because the URC production committee made too many copies in a single typing. Carrying the documents was extremely dangerous. The memos contained the national and campus political situation, the issues of the day, the tasks for a given period, and the political calls. Corps of Cadres and Underground Seminars. The memos were transmitted by a small corps of talented and dedicated cadres that individually headed the various party and ND core groups.

They were held in private houses belonging to the UP students themselves, especially those whose parents were middle class or upper middle class. Propcom published a paper of its own, called Rebel Collegian or RC. Propcom also gave direct tactical guidance to the party and ND core groups operating within the Philippine Collegian. After satiating itself with low key activities conducted by individual organizations inthe CPP decided that init was going to go for the dramatic.

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As well, belligerent indoor and outdoor rallies, abandoned in ’73 and ’74, were back on the planning table. The first step in this bold direction was for the organizations to form alliances according to type or orientation e. The alliances were usually formed in a meeting of representatives convened by a leading organization.

An alliance was formalized through a written joint statement or declaration of principles which was signed by the organization heads. The inclusion of this catchphrase was notable, in that it was a first after three years of martial rule. It was the CPP’s trial balloon on how far student protests and mass actions could go, without inviting suppression.

Steering Committee on Student Rights and Welfare. The next step was for the alliances to form a university wide alliance of alliances. The main agenda of the group was the restoration of the student council and the improvement of student facilities.

Minutes before the meeting, several members of the UPPSC, whom I suspected were members of the underground, asked me to preside over the meeting and gave me guidelines on the agenda. They also told me that most of the organizational heads in attendance had all been instructed to recognize me as the meeting’s presider.

I was all too eager to accept the responsibility. I was a bit concerned about my personal safety, but that became a minor consideration I really wanted to contribute to the anti-martial law effort. After the room was filled with student leaders, I took it upon myself to start the ball rolling.

In all confidence, I introduced myself, and gamely told the gathering the reasons for the meeting, and what we hoped to achieve. No one questioned my self-initiative in starting the meeting, and everyone seemed to have a ready input.

It was exactly what I was told earlier. Obviously, we did not want to prematurely invite the eye of the UP and martial law batwyang. Thereafter, this alliance of alliances was often irreverently called “Screw.

Complete control meant being able to adapt a group’s name and tactics to any issue it wanted to pursue, and to the intensity level it wanted to pursue it. Any rash action by either body could invite suspension or abolition. It would have been foolhardy for the CPP, for example, to let these institutions lead a street uprising, or call for armed struggle. The CPP leadership was reserving the SCSRW for this kind of action, even though the bataynag was addressing student rights and nf issues in the interim.

Corpuz and Emanuel V. Corpuz as UP president. Soriano to the position. This gives a hint on his political orientation. Baatyang creating the EVP post, Corpuz must have felt his administrative authority must be increasingly delegated to run a growing state university.

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He needed a point man. Noel Soriano, meanwhile, tended to UP’s nitty-gritty. Being the first UP president to be appointed under martial law and a perceived Marcos protege, Corpuz was expected by the UP activist community to be more restrictive than Salvador Lopez, and a more cooperative steward of Marcos’ agenda.

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Marcos’ long-term plan for UP, as impressed on Corpuz, was to maximize its output of ideas and expertise and minimize its capacity for dissent. The former was easy to achieve, because UP had been doing that for parttido.

Batayang kurso ng partido. ( edition) | Open Library

The latter was a long shot, precisely for the same reason. Salvador Lopez acquiesced to this design, but not completely. He revealed a benevolent streak by gradually giving concessions to student demands for more campus democracy until his term ended.

Corpuz could have built on Lopez’ democratic measures by finally restoring the student council. However, Corpuz proved to be intractable. He stood pat on the student council ban, obviously in deference to Marcos.

The new body was elected at large, and enjoyed a fair degree of representation. The Student Conference and Philippine Collegian. These institutions were pivotal in sparking protest actions. Both were excellent CPP propaganda platforms, as they legally articulated any CPP analysis, call-to-action, and slogan. They also enjoyed tremendous legitimacy, being administration padtido and sanctioned.

The institutional cover they provided to CPP cadres was formidable. Moreover, they provided solid provisions to the activists, in batayanh form of office space, office supplies, two electric typewriters, and two reliable mimeographing machines. The party successfully fielded candidates in the Student Conference elections in mid-year, capturing most of the twenty or so seats.

Even before the elections, CPP control of the new body was a foregone conclusion, because it controlled practically all the organizations that fielded candidates.

Just the same, the party took advantage of the campaign to engage in propaganda and break baatayang ground. They arduously prepared for it, even holding writing and lay-out workshops and a mock exam. They, however, failed to win the editor-in-chief position. Surprisingly, Ditto Sarmiento proved to be very kusro to the Left. W ith each issue, the Sarmiento Collegian escalated its attacks against the dictatorship. The most memorable issue under his editorship came in late batayanf It not so subtly called for an uprising against martial law.

There was a piano in its living room, and the militants sang batayahg songs to its accompaniment.

Batayang kurso ng partido.

The radicals also held meetings and consultations in its many small rooms, which were noticeably bereft of furniture. The rooms were nonetheless clean, carpeted, and sound-proof. CPP elements who were on the military’s wanted list often sneaked into these cubicles, and engaged in endless small talk with their less sought after friends.

The leftist watering hole had more than its share of activist banter, courting, and debate. This University Food Service UFS outlet had an endless supply of cheap coffee, spaghetti, hamburgers, and cinnamon rolls. Newer Post Older Post Home.